Edited by Franck Düvell, Irina Molodikova & Michael Collyer. Transit Migration in Europe - PDF

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IMISCOE RESEARCH Edited by Franck Düvell, Irina Molodikova & Michael Collyer Transit Migration in Europe IMISCOE International Migration, Integration and Social Cohesion in Europe The IMISCOE Research

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IMISCOE RESEARCH Edited by Franck Düvell, Irina Molodikova & Michael Collyer Transit Migration in Europe IMISCOE International Migration, Integration and Social Cohesion in Europe The IMISCOE Research Network unites researchers from some 30 institutes specialising in studies of international migration, integration and social cohesion in Europe. What began in 2004 as a Network of Excellence sponsored by the Sixth Framework Programme of the European Commission became, as of April 2009, an independent self-funding endeavour. IMISCOE promotes integrated, multidisciplinary and globally comparative research led by scholars from various branches of the economic and social sciences, the humanities and law. The network furthers existing studies and pioneers new scholarship on migration and migrant integration. Encouraging innovative lines of inquiry key to European policymaking and governance is also a priority. The IMISCOE-Amsterdam University Press Series makes the network s findings and results available to researchers, policymakers and practitioners, the media and other interested stakeholders. High-quality manuscripts are evaluated by external peer reviews and the IMISCOE Editorial Committee. The committee comprises the following members: Tiziana Caponio, Department of Political Studies, University of Turin / Forum for International and European Research on Immigration (FIERI), Turin, Italy Michael Collyer, Sussex Centre for Migration Research (SCMR), University of Sussex, United Kingdom Rosita Fibbi, Swiss Forum for Migration and Population Studies (SFM), University of Neuchâtel, Switzerland / Institute of Social Sciences, University of Lausanne Agata Górny, Centre of Migration Research (CMR) / Faculty of Economic Sciences, University of Warsaw, Poland Albert Kraler, International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD), Vienna, Austria Jean-Michel Lafleur, Center for Ethnic and Migration Studies (CEDEM), University of Liège, Belgium Jorge Malheiros, Centre of Geographical Studies (CEG), University of Lisbon, Portugal Eva Østergaard-Nielsen, Department of Political Science, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain Marlou Schrover, Institute for History, Leiden University, The Netherlands Patrick Simon, National Demographic Institute (INED), Paris, France IMISCOE Policy Briefs and more information on the network can be found at Transit Migration in Europe Edited by Franck Düvell, Irina Molodikova & Michael Collyer IMISCOE Research Amsterdam University Press Cover illustration: Frank Düvell Cover design: Coördesign, Leiden Typesetting: Crius Group, Hulshout Amsterdam University Press English-language titles are distributed in the US and Canada by the University of Chicago Press. ISBN e-isbn (pdf) e-isbn (e-pub) NUR 747 Franck Düvell, Irina Molodikova & Michael Collyer / Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam 2014 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owners and the authors of the book. Table of Contents Preface 11 1 Introduction 13 Transit Migrations and European Spaces Michael Collyer, Franck Düvell, Hein de Haas & Irina Molodikova 1.1 The value of the concept of transit migration Charting European spaces: Place or flow? Thematic analysis of transit migrations Papers in this collection 28 Part 1 The Mediterranean Quadrants 2 Migrants Uncertainties versus the State s Insecurities 37 Transit Migration in Turkey Ahmet İçduygu & Deniz Sert 2.1 Introduction Transit border crossings in Turkey: Some facts Environment of uncertainty Environment of insecurity Conclusion 53 3 Refugee Migration to Egypt: Settlement or Transit? 55 Mulki Al-Sharmani 3.1 Introduction The history of refugee migration to Egypt Egypt s policies on refugees UNHCR Cairo: Protection policies Refugees experiences Conclusion: Settlement or transit? 75 4 Transnational Migration 79 The Case of Sub-Saharan Transmigrants Stopping Over in Morocco Mehdi Alioua 4.1 The stage: The best place to observe and understand transit migrations The establishment of collectives in Maghrebian stopovers The impact of transmigration on local populations 91 5 Trying to Transit 99 Irregular Immigration in Malta Cetta Mainwaring 5.1 Introduction EU migration policy Malta Trying to transit: Migrant accounts and strategies Conclusion: Transit migration? 118 Part 2 The Central and Eastern European Quadrants 6 The East-to-West Circuit 127 Transit Migration through Russia Irina Ivakhnyuk 6.1 Introduction The emergence of Russia as a transit zone Interstate cooperation in counteracting irregular migration, human smuggling and trafficking Conclusion Hungary and the System of European Transit Migration 153 Irina Molodikova 7.1 Introduction Theoretical and methodological approaches to research Main types of legal migration flows in Hungary Illegal migration in the Schengen zone: Old or new migration patterns? Transformation of migration flows after Schengen extension Adaptation strategies of refugees and protected migrants: The results of three years life in Hungary Integration plans as officials see them: New laws and new opportunities Conclusions Irregular Transit Migration of Moldovan Citizens to the European Union Countries 185 Valerii Mosneaga 8.1 Introduction The push factors of Moldovan migration Theoretical and methodological approach 189 8.4 Government efforts on migration management Irregular (transit) migration from Moldova The services for illegal migration and trafficking Main routes for transit migration from Moldova to the EU Return transit migration to Moldova Irregular transit migration via the Republic of Moldova Conclusion Transit Migrations in the European Migration Spaces 209 Politics, Determinants and Dynamics Franck Düvell 9.1 Contrasting geopolitical structures and migration regimes Causes, patterns and consequences of transit migration Characteristics and strategies of transit migrants The politics of transit migration Countries transited by migrants: Similar and different Conclusion 230 Abbreviations 237 Author information 239 Other IMISCOE Research titles 243 Preface What began as an international conference successively became a colossal project. It took over six years from preparing the conference to subsequent publication of some of the papers, and thus far longer than planned. This is maybe not unusual, but this time the challenges were multiple and not always anticipated. At the beginning we held the international conference (Irregular) Transit Migration in the European Space, which was held in April 2008 in Istanbul. It was funded by the Network of Excellence on Immigration, Integration and Social Cohesion (IMISCOE), organised by the editors, as well as Hein de Haas from the International Migration Institute (IMI) at Oxford University and Ahmet Içduygu, Biriz Karacay and their team from Koç University, which also generously hosted the event. The conference brought together researchers from all relevant regions in Europe and its neighbourhood. Twenty-six experts from the Russian, French and English speaking scientific community presented papers on the cases of Azerbaijan, Russia, Ukraine, Moldova, Hungary, Turkey, Cyprus, Egypt, Malta, Mali, Burkina Faso, Senegal, Morocco, Spain and Portugal, and on methodologies and research ethics; colleagues and PhD students from another ten countries (USA, UK, the Netherlands, Germany, Sweden, France, Italy, Turkey, Libya and Estonia) contributed to the discussion. This circled on concepts and definitions, constructions and discourses, EU and Russian migration and asylum politics, migrants strategies and smuggling, analyses and methods. Various perspectives were taken, as from sending (Moldova, Senegal) and receiving countries (Spain, Portugal), from staging posts (Mali), dead end roads (Cyprus and Malta) and transit countries (Ukraine, Turkey and Morocco). For various reasons, not all papers could be considered for publication and not all papers could be published in one volume. Also, not all countries or regions that are transited by migrants are covered in this book. This is because first, not all regions are equally well researched and there remain research gaps; second, the cases presented here are considered to be precedent cases which also throw light on the countries not explicitly covered here; and third, more case studies would inevitably produce repetitive results. Some papers were made available in a special issue of Population, Space and Place published in Others went into a Russian volume which was published by University Books, Moscow, in 2009, which contains some of the chapters presented in this volume as well as contributions that were considered less 12 relevant for a Western audience. Several papers were made available online at the Centre for Migration, Policy and Society, University of Oxford, at Finally, a policy brief was published at the IMISCOE website at publications/policybriefs/documents/pb12-transitmigration-duvell.pdf. All chapters in this book are revised and updated versions of the conference papers. The main challenge, as it turned out, lay in the different scientific cultures of the scholars involved, the trilingual communication between editors, authors and translators and the actual translation of the chapters from Russian and French into a common language, English. All chapters were updated by additional research, they were revised several times, some had to be translated and retranslated (our thanks go to Alan Watt at the Central European University) due to quality issues, another translator had to be replaced and still some final language editing (thanks to Briony Truscott from the International Migration Institute) was necessary. All this was only made possible by a team effort and the hard work of additional translators who remained anonymous to most of the editorial consortium. Our thanks also go to some anonymous referees who compelled us to make some cumbersome but necessary revisions that improved the volume. We hope the readers appreciate these efforts and enjoy the book! Franck Düvell, Centre on Migration, Policy and Society, Oxford Irina Molodikova, Central European University, Budapest Michael Collyer, Sussex University, Brighton Oxford, October 2013 1 Introduction Transit Migrations and European Spaces Michael Collyer, Franck Düvell, Hein de Haas & Irina Molodikova The term transit migration has a long history dating back to the movement of refugees out of German occupied Europe during the Second World War and covering immediate post-colonial arrivals of migrants in important gateway cities, such as Marseille (Temime 1989), but the use to which we refer may be traced to its appearance in policy documents from the early 1990s onwards to refer to largely irregular migration into the European Union (EU), initially across the EU s Eastern external border (Wallace, Chmouliar & Sidorenko 1996). It is now used, almost exclusively in a European context, to refer to actual or potential irregular migration in the broader vicinity of Europe, to the east, south-east and south (Düvell 2006). Despite two decades of increasingly widespread use and growing signs that notions of transit migration are filtering into more academic treatments of migration with relatively little critical analysis (Papadopoulou-Kourkoula 2008), there is no substantial comparative empirical work which examines the use and usefulness of the term in the variety of contexts in which it is used: Central and Eastern Europe, the Mediterranean and North Africa. This book aims to fill that gap. This book provides empirical evidence in support of arguments that the conceptualisation of what is called transit migration is not currently sufficiently cohesive to provide a useful analytical category. This has been argued elsewhere, including in work we have completed ourselves (Collyer, Düvell & De Haas 2010), but has not previously received such broad based empirical support. As it is widely applied, the term refers both to individuals who have already migrated and individuals who are believed to be likely to migrate but have not yet done so. Transit migrant may be used to refer to individuals who have arrived in Europe. Although the ambiguity of its usage is such that it is not possible to be certain that it has never been used in this way, we know of no clear evidence of an intention to use the term specifically to refer to individuals on EU territory; in any case, once individuals have reached Europe, their means of entry becomes legally irrelevant. In the operation of the Dublin Regulation, for example, it is only the country of entry, not the means of entry, which is considered. We also 14 Michael Collyer, Franck Düvell, Hein de Haas & Irina Molodikova know that the majority of irregular resident migrants in the EU entered legally, mostly on a visa, and subsequently took up employment in breach of visa regulations or failed to depart and overstayed. The term is more commonly used to refer to individuals in any of the countries bordering Europe or indeed several more distant countries. It therefore assumes an intentionality to migrate to Europe. For individuals who are actually engaged in the migration process, such intentions are clear, but the label is not limited to those whose intentions can be read in their behaviour. There is a wider assumption that irregular migrants from elsewhere in the world who are resident in the countries surrounding Europe are also engaged in attempts to reach Europe. In countries with substantial legally and irregular resident migrant populations, such as previously was the case in Libya, politicians encourage the assumption that many such resident individuals also fall within the definition, since this increases their potential value to European border control agents. 1 Yet migrants, even undocumented migrants, frequently deny such intentions (Collyer 2010). A definition would inevitably rest on the intentions of particular migrants, which are not only uncertain but change regularly. An alternative to basing a definition exclusively on uncertain future intentions is only to consider transit migration to have occurred once it has been completed. Aspasia Papadopoulou-Kourkoula adopts this approach in the only existing monograph on the subject. She defines transit migration as the situation between emigration and settlement that is characterised by indefinite migrant stay, legal or illegal, and may or may not develop into further migration depending on a series of structural and individual factors (Papadopoulou-Kourkoula 2008: 4). This definition has the merit of recognising that intentions may change, so that final destinations may become staging points (see Alioua, this volume) and points that were initially expected to be final destinations may simply be temporary stops while new destinations become the focus of further journeys. It is only a posteriori that the observer (and the migrant) knows if a particular stay was temporary or not (Papadopoulou-Kourkoula 2008: 5). This approach is clear from a sociological perspective and provides a neat definition, but it does not reflect the way the term is used in a policy context. Manifestly, migrants are labelled as transit migrants before they reach a presumed final destination in Europe, that is, the term is not used a posteriori. Indeed, once migrants have actually arrived in Europe their legal status 1 For instance, on a visit to Italy in August 2010 the then Libyan leader Gaddafi claimed that migration control cost Libya 5 billion a year (Guardian 1 September 2010). Introduction 15 becomes more significant than their means of entry and from the perspective of the states in which they reside they are not treated any differently to the more numerous illegally resident migrants who overstayed visas. Their status as transit migrants therefore has no meaning a posteriori, in policy terms. In order to focus on the policy context of the term, which is the intention of this volume, we must accept the centrality of migrant intentions in any definition of the term, though this is unsatisfactory from a theoretical point of view. The centrality of intentions is not the only problem in this definition: the term also covers a variety of legal statuses, including the typically complex arrangements between legal/illegal border crossings, asylum, residence and work. Moreover, the adjective transit is applied not just to migrants themselves, but to the practices in which they are engaged ( transit migration ) and regions where they are to be found (the ubiquitous regions/countries of origin and transit ). Transit migration therefore appears as a confused political construction of dubious scientific value. In light of these criticisms, we are to some extent sympathetic to those who argue that the term should be abandoned entirely. However, as is apparent from the title of this book, we still see some value in its use, although only in reference to a migratory phenomenon, not to a label that can or should be assigned to individual migrants or to the countries through which they are considered to pass. Finally, this volume is ultimately about the construction, definition and use of categories and typologies in migration research and thus includes two methodological messages. First, that political categories should not be simply accepted but scrutinised for their discursive purpose, use and power. Instead, this volume suggests that scientific typologies are to be developed from rigid comparison of individual cases along criteria of similarities and differences, and that one should accordingly cluster cases along these criteria and finally identify patterns which then warrant labelling (see Düvell and Vogel 2006). Second, the volume, by the way it is designed, implicitly promotes multi-sited research on transit and other similar forms of migration, notably research along the routes of migration and on both sides of the border, hence at exit and entry points. Indeed, only by including those in the research that have not yet or did not manage to arrive in the EU can the full reality of this type of migration become apparent. 1.1 The value of the concept of transit migration Despite its problems, the term transit migration has lasted. While other terms have come and gone, transit migration has retained some wide 16 Michael Collyer, Franck Düvell, Hein de Haas & Irina Molodikova appeal in a variety of political and advocacy contexts over more than two decades. Given the impossibility of reaching a clear, workable definition that is both scientifically robust and reflects the dominant policy context of the term, we do not propose using transit migration as a category of analysis in the book, but as a category of practice, 2 a significant political label (Brubaker & Cooper 2000; Zetter 2007). The flexibility and ambiguity of the term, which make it inappropriate for scientific use, make it ideally suited to the politics of migration in the European neighbourhood. In such highly charged political environments, terms which can convey a variety of meanings are particularly popular. There may be good reasons for this, such as during the initial stages of complex negotiations when securing agreement on anything is a positive step. However, there are also significant problems, particularly when these terms begin to enter wider currency. Ambiguous language may then be used not to secure initial agreement but to mask continuing disagreement. In the case of transit migration to the European Commission and EU member states it refers to the perceived need to be seen to control undocumented migration across the EU s external border; to neighbouring countries
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